Working papers results

We present a dynamic comparative advantage model in which moderate reductions in
trade costs can generate sizable increases in trade volumes over time. A fall in trade
costs has two e.ects on the volume of trade. First, for given factor endowments, it
raises the degree of specialization of countries, leading to a larger volume of trade
in the short run. Second, it raises the factor price of each country's abundant
production factor, leading to diverging paths of relative factor endowments across
countries and a rising degree of specialization. A simulation exercise shows that
a fall in trade costs over time produces a non-linear increase in the trade share of
output as in the data. Even when elasticities of substitution are not particularly
high, moderate reductions in trade costs lead to large trade volumes over time.

Employees of "globalized" firms face a riskier, but potentially more rewarding,
menu of labor market outcomes. We document this neglected trade-off of
globalization for a sample of Indian manufacturing firms. On the one hand,
the employees of firms subject to foreign competition face a more uncertain
stream of earnings and riskier employment prospects. On the other, they enjoy
a more rapid career and/or have more opportunities to train and upgrade
their skills. The negative uncertainty costs and the positive incentive effects
of globalization are thus twin to each other. Concentrating on just one side
of the coin gives a misleading picture of globalization.

We document the presence of a trade-off between unemployment benefits (UB) and
employment protection legislation (EPL) in the provision of insurance against labour
market risk. The mix of quantity restrictions and price regulations adopted by the
various countries would seem to correspond to a stable politico-economic equilibrium.
We develop a model in which voters are required to cast a ballot over the strictness of
EPL and over the generosity of UB. Agents are heterogeneous along two dimensions:
employment status - there are insiders and outsiders - and skills - low and high skills.
We show that if there exists a majority of low-skill insiders, the voting game has a
politico-economic equilibrium with low UB and high EPL; otherwise, the equilibrium
features high UB and low EPL. Another testable implication of the model is that a
larger share of elderly workers increases the demand for EPL. Panel data on institutions
and on the age and educational structures of the populations are broadly in line with
our results. We also find that those favouring EPL over UB in a public opinion poll
carried in 2001 in Italy have precisely the same characteristics predicted by our model.

Policies are typically chosen by politicians and bureaucrats. This paper investigates the criteria that should lead a society to allocate policy tasks to elected policymakers (politicians) or non elected bureaucrats. Politicians tend to be preferable for tasks that have the following features: they do not involve too much
specific technical ability relative to effort; there is uncertainty ex ante about ex post preferences of the public and flexibility is valuable; time inconsistency is not an issue; small but powerful vested interests do not have large stakes in the policy outcome; effective decisions over policies require taking into account policy
complementarities and compensating the losers; the policies imply redistributive conflicts among large groups of voters. The reverse apply to the attribution of prerogatives to bureaucrats.

In this paper we compare alternative approaches for dating the Euro area business cycle and analyzing its characteristics. First, we extend a commonly used dating procedure to allow for length, size and amplitude restrictions, and to compute the probability of a phase change. Second, we apply the modified algorithm for dating both the classical Euro area cycle and the deviation cycle, where the latter is obtained by a variety of methods, including a modified HP filter that reproduces the features of the BK filter but avoids end-point problems, and a production function based approach. Third, we repeat the dating exercise for the main Euro
area countries, evaluate the degree of syncronization, and compare the results with the UK and the US. Fourth, we construct indices of business cycle diffusion, and assess how spread are cyclical movements throughout the economy. Finally, we repeat the dating exercise using monthly industrial production data, to evaluate whether the higher sampling frequency can compensate the higher variability of the series and produce a more accurate dating.

In this paper we evaluate the relative merits of three approaches to information extraction
from a large data set for forecasting, namely, the use of an automated model selection
procedure, the adoption of a factor model, and single-indicator-based forecast pooling. The
comparison is conducted using a large set of indicators for forecasting US inflation and GDP
growth. We also compare our large set of leading indicators with purely autoregressive
models, using an evaluation procedure that is particularly relevant for policy making. The
evaluation is conducted both ex-post and in a pseudo real time context, for several forecast
horizons, and using both recursive and rolling estimation. The results indicate a preference for
simple forecasting tools, with a good relative performance of pure autoregressive models, and
substantial instability in the leading characteristics of the indicators.

In this paper we evaluate the role of a set of variables as leading indicators for Euro-area
inflation and GDP growth. Our evaluation is based on using the variables in the ECB Euroarea
model database, plus a set of similar variables for the US. We compare the forecasting
performance of each indicator with that of purely autoregressive models, using an evaluation
procedure that is particularly relevant for policy making. The evaluation is conducted both expost
and in a pseudo real time context, for several forecast horizons, and using both recursive
and rolling estimation. We also analyze three different approaches to combining the
information from several indicators. First, we discuss the use as indicators of the estimated
factors from a dynamic factor model for all the indicators. Second, an automated model
selection procedure is applied to models with a large set of indicators. Third, we consider
pooling the single indicator forecasts. The results indicate that single indicator forecasts are on
average better than those derived from more complicated methods, but for them to beat the
autoregression a different indicator has to be used in each period. A simple real-time
procedure for indicator-selection produces good results.

There has been a lot of interest recently in developing small scale
rule-based empirical macro models for the analysis of monetary policy.
These models, based on the conventional view that inflation
stabilization should be a concern of monetary policy only, have typically neglected
the role of fiscal policy. We start with the evidence that a baseline
VAR-augmented Taylor rule can deliver recurrent mispredictions of
inflation in the U.S. before 1987. We then show that a fiscal feed-back rule, in
which the primary deficit reacts to both the output gap and the
government debt, can well characterize the behavior of fiscal policy throughout the
sample. However, by employing Markov-switching methods, we find
evidence of substantial instability across fiscal regimes. Yet this precisely happens
\QTR{it}{before 1987}. We then augment the monetary VAR\ with a
fiscal policy rule and control for the endogenous regime switches for both
rules. We find that only over time windows belonging to the pre-1987 period
the model based on the two rules can predict the behavior of \ inflation
better than the one based just on the monetary policy rule. \QTR{it}{After
1987}, when fiscal policy is estimated to switch to a regime of fiscal discipline,
the monetary-fiscal mix can be appropriately described as a regime of
monetary dominance. Over this period a monetary policy rule based
model is always a better predictor of the inflation behavior than the one
comprising both a monetary and a fiscal rule.

Within a small open economy we derive a tractable framework for the analysis
of the optimal monetary policy design problem as well as of simple feedback
rules. The international relative price channel is emphasized as the one peculiar
to the open economy dimension of monetary policy. Hence flexibility in
the nominal exchange rate enhances such channel. We first show that a feature
of the optimal policy under commitment, unlike the one under discretion,
is to entail stationary nominal exchange rate and price level. We show that
this property characterizes also a regime of fixed exchange rates. Hence, in
evaluating the desirability of such a regime, this benefit needs to be weighed
against the cost of excess smoothness in the terms of trade. We show that
there exist combinations of the parameter values that make a regime of fixed
exchange rates more desirable than the discretionary optimal policy. When the
economy is sufficiently open, this happens for a high relative weight assigned to
output gap variability in the Central Bank's loss function and for high values of
the elasticity substitution between domestic and foreign goods. We draw from
this interesting conclusions for a modern version of the optimal currency area
literature.

Do fiscal policy variables - overall spending, revenue, deficits and
welfare-state spending - display systematic patterns in the vicinity of
elections? And do such electoral cycles differ among political systems?
We investigate these questions in a data set encompassing sixty democracies
from 1960-98. Without conditioning on the political system, we find
that taxes are cut before elections, painful fiscal adjustments are postponed
until after the elections, while welfare-state spending displays no
electoral cycle. Our subsequent results show that the pre-election tax cuts
is a universal phenomenon. The post-election fiscal adjustments (spending
cuts, tax hikes and rises in surplus) are, however, only present in
presidential democracies. Moreover, majoritarian electoral rules alone are
associated with pre-electoral spending cuts, while proportional electoral
rules are associated with expansions of welfare spending both before and
after elections.